By Ioannis D. Evrigenis
What makes people with divergent and infrequently conflicting pursuits sign up for jointly and act in unison? Drawing at the worry of exterior threats, this e-book develops a thought of 'negative organization' that examines the dynamics captured by way of the maxim 'The enemy of my enemy is my friend'. It then strains its position from Greek and Roman political idea, via Machiavelli and the explanation of kingdom thinkers, and Hobbes and his emulators and critics, to the realists of the 20 th century. via concentrating on the function of worry and enmity within the formation of person and workforce identification, this ebook finds an enormous culture within the background of political concept and provides new insights into texts which are thought of normal. This booklet demonstrates that the phobia of exterior threats is an important component to the formation and upkeep of political teams and that its absence renders political organization unsustainable.
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2; Leviathan, XV § 5. , II, § 211). Despite claiming that “being unable to do without another” is “a situation which [. ] does not obtain in the state of nature” (Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality, I § 50), Rousseau devotes the opening of Part II of the Second Discourse to an account of how the formerly solitary individuals that inhabited the state of nature had to band together to obtain the essentials for survival and protect themselves from natural disasters and other “difficulties” (161; cf.
Aristotle, Politica, 1252b9–27; Ferguson, An Essay on the History of Civil Society, 9. 38 “Individualist” accounts are sometimes referred to as “atomistic,” but this characterization is problematic because it may give the false impression of selfishness. 39 See Hume, “Of Political Society”. Ehrenreich describes this as the “Defense Hypothesis” (Blood Rites, 52–57). 42 Even small groups, however, quickly reach a point at which they require the assistance of others for the attainment of goals that are beyond their reach, so the fundamental question of the motivation behind cooperation returns.
Cf. Strauss, The City and Man, 183; Orwin, The Humanity of Thucydides, 47, note 36. 21 As Romilly points out, the Mytilenean speech in Book III reveals this gradual shift: “[Athens’] imperialism begins little by little (by attacking the weakest) and hypocritically (by disguising itself with fine reasons)” (Thucydides and Athenian Imperialism, 38). 22 Ahrensdorf, for example, argues that Thucydides’ description of the civil unrest at Corcyra is evidence that the fear of violent death was no longer the top priority, as individuals began to engage in behavior that is not compatible with such a fear (“The Fear of Death and the Longing for Immortality,” 587–88).