From Marx to Kant by Dick Howard

By Dick Howard

This revised and elevated variation analyzes the relation of philosophy and politics, and illustrates this via a reinterpretation of Kant, Hegel and Marx. inside of this context is built an idea of a method which issues past philosophy for its of entirety and, at the foundation of a retrospective studying of Kant's concept of reflective judgement, the issues and ideas which are wanted by way of the sort of mediation are outlined. functional, traditionally particular difficulties can then be tested and interpreted within the mild of the above and the hot advent, and textual revisions, clarify the relation of this theoretical quantity to the sensible examine of the delivery of contemporary democratic rules in Prussia, america and France. the writer writes usually in political journals in France and the united states. between his prior guides are "The Marxian Legacy", "Defining the Political", "The Politics of Critique", "From Marx to Kant" (1st ed) and "The improvement of the Marxian Dialectic".

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The social qualification of citizenship returns in the later Articles, culminating in Article 17's guarantee 32 From Marx to Kant of property rights. But these social guarantees are to protect the citizen, who enjoys the presumption of innocence and freedom to communicate his opinions. In this way, the principles of the Revolution sought to avoid the reductionism for which Marx would later condemn their practice. The unity of this set of rights became clear in the Prologue to the Constitution finally agreed upon in 1791, which insists on the abolition of all previous sources of privilege among the French.

Therefore, 'they hope to secure their constitution by a terror of a return of those evils which attended their making it'. (202) Constantly worried about a breach of trust by their representatives, their Constitution 'has too much of jealousy' without asking about the fitness for trust in the first place. (206) This same jealousy weakens the executive power of the Constitutional Monarchy whose demise Burke anticipates. (219f) As for the judiciary, which admittedly owed its former independence to the 'doubtful circumstance' that the office was purchased (222), Burke fears that elected judges, like the elected representatives, will court popular favor at the expense of liberty.

The first paragraph makes explicit its intent. The representatives of the French people, constituted as a national Assembly, considering that lack of knowledge, forgetting or disdain for the rights of man are the only causes of public misfortune and the corruption of governments, have decided to present the natural, inalienable and sacred rights of man in a solemn declaration so that this declaration, constantly before all of the members of the social body, recalls to them continually their rights and their duties ...

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