By James C. Russell
Whereas historians of Christianity have often said some extent of Germanic impression within the improvement of early medieval Christianity, Russell is going extra, arguing for a primary Germanic reinterpretation of Christianity.
This first full-scale therapy of the topic follows a really interdisciplinary procedure, employing to the early medieval interval a sociohistorical procedure just like that which has already confirmed fruitful in explicating the historical past of Early Christianity and past due Antiquity. The come upon of the Germanic peoples with Christianity is studied from in the better context of the come across of a predominantly "world-accepting" Indo-European folk-religiosity with predominantly "world-rejecting" spiritual activities.
While the 1st a part of the booklet develops a common version of spiritual transformation for such encounters, the second one half applies this version to the Germano-Christian situation. Russell exhibits how a Christian missionary coverage of transitority lodging inadvertently contributed to a reciprocal Germanization of Christianity.
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Extra resources for The Germanization of Early Medieval Christianity: A Sociohistorical Approach to Religious Transformation
178–9: Moule, pp. 152–64. The case of Uthred of Bolden is unusual in that we know the identity of both accuser and accused; condemnations and censures issued in 1277, 1284, 1286, 1315, and 1366 all avoided specifying the identity of the author of the propositions, even in cases such as 1286 and 1366 when the condemning authority was the Archbishop of Canterbury acting outside of the university. In 1357, the author of the censured articles was partially identiﬁed (his last name and order being omitted but probably not intentionally), but in this case, the purpose of the censure was distinctly to punish John Kedington for having oﬀended the university politically.
If Wyclif and Gaunt had no arrangement before February of 1377, how are we to explain Wyclif ’s summons to the council and Gaunt’s subsequent decision to intervene in the matter of Westbury, followed soon by Wyclif ’s decision to begin preaching his political theories in London? It could be argued that Wyclif ’s preaching had created enough of a stir to force Courtenay and the other bishops to act, but to strip the incident of the obvious political elements is to miss the deeper context of the situation and to leave many important questions unanswered.
There are also at least two other John Wyclifs in Oxford in the 1350s and 1360s. We must either assume that the Wyclif family was an extremely large one, or more likely that “Wyclif ” was in use by more than one family. 39 Workman, Dahmus, and most other earlier scholars accept the identiﬁcation with the John Wyclif who became the lord of Wyclif. More recent scholars, including Catto, Wilks, and Hudson and Kenny, all favor one of the two men ordained in 1351, but have not advanced any argument against the traditional identiﬁcation.