Download E-books Yes: The Radical Case for Scottish Independence PDF

By Pete Ramand

The uk faces a ancient turning element in 2014. A 'Yes' vote within the referendum on Scottish independence may see the break-up of the 300-year-old union, including a constitutional main issue to a deep monetary crisis.

An available polemic written for progressives either north and south of the border, certain argues that independence can reinvigorate campaigns opposed to austerity throughout Britain and deal a blow to the imperialist objectives of the British state.

An pressing and invigorating political intervention, convinced argues that no matter if the referendum result's 'no', a innovative independence crusade will adjust the political panorama. Written by means of best activists from the novel Independence crusade, definite should be a distinct contribution to the referendum debate.

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In its place, his examining of the development, that it used to be ‘the grotesque face of Scottish nationalism’, ruled the talk. 7 even though part the protesters, branded ‘fascist yobbo scum’ by way of Farage, have been English, the clicking approved UKIP’s account and agonised over Anglophobia within the independence flow. Even Farage’s critics have been speedy to pounce at the Scottish Left’s unresolved English concerns. for that reason, previous Unionist socialists leapt to the defence of Britain’s prime anti-immigrant agitator. His so much well-liked supporter used to be George Galloway, who railed opposed to Anglophobia within the independence circulation. He additionally admonished its ‘anti-Irish’ streak, and envisioned sure vote in 2014 may bring about pogroms opposed to the Irish inhabitants. eight This restates the previous Unionist bromide that Scottish nationalism is pathological. After the election of the 1st nationalist executive at Holyrood, for instance, senior Labour politicians, together with Ian Davidson, Anne Moffat and Jim McGovern, tried to hyperlink the SNP with ‘neo-fascism’, anti-English ‘hatred’ and Nazism. nine Labour peer George Foulkes in comparison Alex Salmond to fascist dictator Benito Mussolini,10 whereas MP Tom Harris resigned his place as Scottish Labour’s social media guru after he published a video portraying the 1st minister as Adolf Hitler. eleven Michael Moore, the previous Lib Dem Scottish secretary, used his convention platform to match Salmond to Farage. ‘There is naturally a transparent parallel among those that wish Scotland to go away the united kingdom, and people who wish the united kingdom to go away the EU,’ he acknowledged. ‘For either the nationalists and the Eurosceptics, there's a challenging have to assert a selected experience of nationwide identification. ’12 this can be a common machine of British liberalism. The dad or mum entrance web page following Farage’s flight from Edinburgh depicts a face-off among Salmond and the UKIP chief lower than the headline ‘Battle of Nationalists’. thirteen the following, the weather of latest British ideology are transparent: the 3 mainstream events of ‘Better jointly’ – the Tories, Lib Dems and Labour – don't depend upon any particular experience of nationwide identification, and they're now not nationalist. Nationalism is a made from the united kingdom fringes. Westminster politics, by way of an implicit distinction, is both impartial with admire to nationhood, or by some means ‘internationalist’. analyzing Labour’s claims indicates simply what neutrality skill during this experience. In January 2012, Labour MP Willie Bain introduced an assault on Alex Salmond’s revolutionary credentials. ‘Nationalism is, at it [sic] center, a deeply unfavourable and regressive politics. ’ he explains. ‘I care simply as a lot a few baby growing to be up in poverty in my constituency in Glasgow as I do a baby in poverty in Liverpool, Cardiff, London, Aberdeen, Dundee or Edinburgh. ’14 this provides a succinct demonstration of British ideology. Following this common sense, if Willie Bain opposes nationalism, he favours internationalism in its place; within which case, this abnormal internationalism turns out to incorporate Cardiff and Liverpool yet no longer Dublin, Athens, or Baghdad. The blackmail of this British globalism, which runs from John O’Groats to Land’s finish yet turns out to hide Atlantic alliances, is what is still of a ‘Left’ critique of Scottish independence.

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